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<\/a>El Salvador was for centuries inhabited by several Mesoamerican nations, especially the Cuzcatlecs<\/a>, as well as the Lenca<\/a> and Maya<\/a>. In the early 16th century, the Spanish Empire conquered the territory, incorporating it into the Viceroyalty of New Spain<\/a> ruled from Mexico City<\/a>. However the Viceroyalty of Mexico had little or no influence in the daily affairs of the Central American isthmus, which would be colonized in 1524. In 1609 the area became the Captaincy General of Guatemala<\/a>, from which El Salvador was part of until its independence from Spain, which took place in 1821, as part of the First Mexican Empire<\/a>, then further seceded, as part of the Federal Republic of Central America<\/a>, in 1823. When the Republic dissolved in 1841, El Salvador became a sovereign nation, then formed a short-lived union with Honduras and Nicaragua<\/a> called the Greater Republic of Central America<\/a>, which lasted from 1895 to 1898.<\/p>\n From the late 19th to the mid-20th century, El Salvador endured chronic political and economic instability characterized by coups, revolts, and a succession of authoritarian rulers. Persistent socioeconomic inequality and civil unrest culminated in the devastating Salvadoran Civil War (1979\u20131992)<\/a>, which was fought between the military-led government and a coalition of left-wing guerrilla groups. The conflict ended with the Chapultepec Peace Accords<\/a>. This negotiated settlement established a multiparty constitutional republic, which remains in place to this day.<\/p>\n El Salvador’s economy has historically been dominated by agriculture, beginning with the indigo plant<\/a>, the most important crop during the colonial period, and followed thereafter by coffee, which by the early 20th century accounted for 90 percent of export earnings. El Salvador has since reduced its dependence on coffee and embarked on diversifying the economy by opening up trade and financial links and expanding the manufacturing sector. The col\u00f3n, the official currency of El Salvador since 1892, was replaced by the U.S. dollar in 2001.<\/p>\n El Salvador ranks 16th among Latin American countries in terms of the Human Development Index and fourth in Central America (behind Panama, Costa Rica, and Guatemala) due in part to ongoing rapid industrialization. However, the country continues to struggle with high rates of poverty, inequality, and gang-related violent crime.<\/p>\n Conquistador Pedro de Alvarado<\/a> named the new province for Jesus Christ \u2013 El Salvador (“The Savior”).<\/p>\n The full name was “Provincia De Nuestro Se\u00f1or Jesus Cristo, El Salvador Del Mundo” (“Province of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Savior of the World”), which was subsequently abbreviated to “El Salvador” (The Savior).<\/p>\n Sophisticated civilization in El Salvador dates to its settlement by the indigenous Lenca people; theirs was the first and the oldest indigenous civilization to settle in El Salvador. The Lenca were succeeded by the Olmecs<\/a>, who eventually also disappeared, leaving their monumental architecture in the form of the pyramids still extant in western El Salvador. The Maya arrived and settled in place of the Olmecs, but their numbers were greatly diminished when the Ilopango supervolcano eruption caused a massive Mayan exodus out of what is now El Salvador.<\/p>\n Centuries later they themselves were replaced by the Pipil people, Nahua speaking<\/a> groups who migrated from Mexico in the centuries before the European conquest and occupied the central and western regions. The Pipil were the last indigenous people to arrive in El Salvador. They called their territory Kuskatan, a Pipil word<\/a> meaning The Place of Precious Jewels, backformed into Classical Nahuatl C\u014dzcatl\u0101n<\/a>, and Hispanicized as Cuzcatl\u00e1n. The people of El Salvador today are referred to as Salvadoran, while the term Cuzcatleco is commonly used to identify someone of Salvadoran heritage.<\/p>\n In pre-Columbian times, the country was also inhabited by various other indigenous peoples, including the Lenca, a Chilanga Lencan-speaking group who settled in the eastern highlands. Cuzcatlan was the larger domain until the Spanish conquest. Since El Salvador resided on the eastern edge of the Maya Civilization, the origins of many of El Salvador’s ruins are controversial. However, it is widely agreed that Mayas likely occupied the areas around Lago de Guija<\/a> and Cihuat\u00e1n<\/a>. Other ruins such as Tazumal<\/a>, Joya de Cer\u00e9n<\/a> and San Andr\u00e9s<\/a> may have been built by the Pipil or the Maya or possibly both.<\/p>\n By 1521, the indigenous population of the Mesoamerican area had been drastically reduced by the smallpox epidemic that was spreading throughout the territory, although it had not yet reached pandemic levels in Cuzcatl\u00e1n. The first known visit by Spaniards to what is now Salvadoran territory was made by the Spanish admiral Andr\u00e9s Ni\u00f1o<\/a>, who led a Spanish expedition to Central America. He disembarked in the Gulf of Fonseca<\/a> on May 31, 1522, at Meanguera<\/a> island, naming it Petronila, and then discovered Jiquilisco Bay<\/a> on the mouth of Lempa River<\/a>.<\/p>\n The first indigenous people to have contact with the Spanish were the Lenca of eastern El Salvador.<\/p>\n In 1524, after participating in the conquest of Mexico<\/a>, Spanish conquistadors led by Pedro de Alvarado and his brother Gonzalo crossed the Rio Paz<\/a> (Peace River) from the area comprising the present Republic of Guatemala into what is now the Republic of El Salvador. The Spaniards were disappointed to discover that the indigenous Pipil people had no gold or jewels like those they had found in Guatemala or Mexico, but recognized the richness of the land’s volcanic soil.<\/p>\n Pedro de Alvarado led the first incursion by Spanish forces to extend their dominion to the nation of Cuzcatlan<\/a> (El Salvador), in June 1524. When he arrived at the borders of the Cuzcatlan kingdom he saw that civilians had been evacuated. Cuzcatlec warriors moved to the coastal city of Acajutla<\/a> and waited for Alvarado and his forces. Alvarado approached, confident that the result would be similar to what occurred in Mexico and Guatemala. He thought he would easily defeat this new indigenous force since his Mexican allies and the Pipil of Cuzcatlan spoke a similar language.<\/p>\n The Indigenous peoples of El Salvador did not see the Spanish as gods, but as foreign invaders. Alvarado saw that the Cuzcatan force outnumbered his Spanish soldiers and Mexican Indian allies. The Spanish withdrew and the Cuzcatlec army attacked, running behind them with war chants and shooting bow arrows. Alvarado had no choice but to fight to survive.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Alvarado described the Cuzcatlec soldiers in great detail as having shields made of colorful exotic feathers, a vest-like armor made of three inch cotton which arrows could not penetrate, and large spears. Both armies suffered many casualties, with a wounded Alvarado retreating and losing a lot of his men, especially among the Mexican Indian auxiliaries. Once his army had regrouped, Alvarado decided to head to the Cuzcatlan capital and again faced armed Cuzcatlec. Wounded, unable to fight and hiding in the cliffs, Alvarado sent his Spanish men on their horses to approach the Cuzcatlec to see if they would fear the horses, but they did not retreat, Alvarado recalls in his letters to Hernan Cortez.<\/p>\n The Cuzcatlec attacked again, and on this occasion stole Spanish weaponry. Alvarado retreated and sent Mexican Indian messengers to demand that the Cuzcatlec warriors return the stolen weapons and surrender to the Spanish king. The Cuzcatlec responded with the famous response, “If you want your weapons, come get them”. As days passed, Alvarado, fearing an ambush, sent more Mexican Indian messengers to negotiate, but these messengers never came back and were presumably executed.<\/p>\n The Spanish efforts were firmly resisted by the indigenous people, including the Pipil and their Mayan-speaking neighbors. They defeated the Spaniards and what was left of their Mexican Tlaxcala Indian allies, forcing them to withdraw to Guatemala. After being wounded, Alvarado abandoned the war and appointed his brother, Gonzalo de Alvarado<\/a>, to continue the task. Two subsequent expeditions (the first in 1525, followed by a smaller group in 1528) brought the Pipil under Spanish control, since the Pipil also were weakened by a regional epidemic of smallpox. In 1525, the conquest of Cuzcatl\u00e1n was completed and the city of San Salvador was established. The Spanish faced much resistance from the Pipil and were not able to reach eastern El Salvador, the area of the Lencas.<\/p>\n In 1526 the Spanish founded the garrison town of San Miguel<\/a>, headed by another explorer and conquistador, Luis de Moscoso Alvarado<\/a>, nephew of Pedro Alvarado. Oral history holds that a Maya-Lenca crown princess, Antu Silan Ulap I, organized resistance to the conquistadors. The kingdom of Lenca was alarmed by de Moscoso’s invasion, and Antu Silan travelled from village to village, uniting all the Lenca towns in present-day El Salvador and Honduras against the Spaniards. Through surprise attacks and overwhelming numbers, they were able to drive the Spanish out of San Miguel and destroy the garrison.<\/p>\n For ten years the Lencas prevented the Spanish from building a permanent settlement. Then the Spanish returned with more soldiers, including about 2,000 forced conscripts from indigenous communities in Guatemala. They pursued the Lenca leaders further up into the mountains of Intibuc\u00e1<\/a>.<\/p>\n Antu Silan Ulap eventually handed over control of the Lenca resistance to Lempira<\/a> (also called Empira). Lempira was noteworthy among indigenous leaders in that he mocked the Spanish by wearing their clothes after capturing them and using their weapons captured in battle. Lempira fought in command of thousands of Lenca forces for six more years in El Salvador and Honduras until he was killed in battle. The remaining Lenca forces retreated into the hills. The Spanish were then able to rebuild their garrison town of San Miguel in 1537.<\/p>\n During the colonial period, El Salvador was part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala, also known as the Kingdom of Guatemala (Spanish: Reino de Guatemala), created in 1609 as an administrative division of New Spain. The Salvadoran territory was administered by the Mayor of Sonsonate, with San Salvador being established as an intendancia<\/a> in 1786.<\/p>\n Towards the end of 1811, a combination of internal and external factors motivated Central American elites to attempt to gain independence from the Spanish Crown. The most important internal factors were the desire of local elites to control the country’s affairs free of involvement from Spanish authorities, and the long-standing Creole aspiration for independence. The main external factors motivating the independence movement were the success of the French<\/a> and American<\/a> revolutions in the 18th century, and the weakening of the Spanish Crown’s military power as a result of the Napoleonic Wars<\/a>, with the resulting inability to control its colonies effectively.<\/p>\n In November 1811 Salvadoran priest Jos\u00e9 Mat\u00edas Delgado<\/a> rang the bells of Iglesia La Merced in San Salvador, calling for insurrection and launching the 1811 Independence Movement<\/a>. This insurrection was suppressed and many of its leaders were arrested and served sentences in jail. Another insurrection was launched in 1814, and again this insurrection was also suppressed.<\/p>\n In 1821 in light of unrest in Guatemala, Spanish authorities capitulated and signed the Act of Independence of Central America<\/a>, which released all of the Captaincy of Guatemala (comprising current territories of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica and the Mexican state of Chiapas<\/a>) from Spanish rule and declared its independence. In 1821, El Salvador joined Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua in a union named the Federal Republic of Central America.<\/p>\n In early 1822, the authorities of the newly independent Central American provinces, meeting in Guatemala City, voted to join the newly constituted First Mexican Empire under Agust\u00edn de Iturbide<\/a>. El Salvador resisted, insisting on autonomy for the Central American countries. A Mexican military detachment marched to San Salvador and suppressed dissent, but with the fall of Iturbide on 19 March 1823, the army decamped back to Mexico. Shortly thereafter, the authorities of the provinces revoked the vote to join Mexico, deciding instead to form a federal union of the five remaining provinces. (Chiapas permanently joined Mexico at this juncture.)<\/p>\n When the Federal Republic of Central America dissolved in 1841, El Salvador maintained its own government until it joined Honduras and Nicaragua in 1896 to form the Greater Republic of Central America, which dissolved in 1898.<\/p>\n After the mid-19th century, the economy was based on coffee growing. As the world market for indigo withered away, the economy prospered or suffered as the world coffee price fluctuated. The enormous profits that coffee yielded as a monoculture export served as an impetus for the concentration of land into the hands of an oligarchy of just a few families.<\/p>\n Throughout the last half of the 19th century, a succession of presidents from the ranks of the Salvadoran oligarchy, nominally both conservative and liberal, generally agreed on the promotion of coffee as the predominant cash crop, the development of infrastructure (railroads and port facilities) primarily in support of the coffee trade, the elimination of communal landholdings to facilitate further coffee production, the passage of anti-vagrancy laws to ensure that displaced campesinos and other rural residents provided sufficient labor for the coffee fincas (plantations), and the suppression of rural discontent. In 1912, the national guard was created as a rural police force.<\/p>\n In 1898, Gen. Tomas Regalado<\/a> gained power by force, deposing Rafael Antonio Guti\u00e9rrez<\/a> and ruling as president until 1903. Once in office he revived the practice of presidents designating their successors. After serving his term, he remained active in the Army of El Salvador, and was killed July 11, 1906, at El Jicaro during a war against Guatemala. Until 1913 El Salvador was politically stable, with undercurrents of popular discontent. When President Dr. Manuel Enrique Araujo<\/a> was killed in 1913, many hypotheses were advanced for the political motive of his murder.<\/p>\n Araujo’s administration was followed by the Melendez-Quinonez dynasty that lasted from 1913 to 1927. Pio Romero Bosque<\/a>, ex-Minister of the Government and a trusted collaborator of the dynasty, succeeded President Jorge Mel\u00e9ndez<\/a> and in 1930 announced free elections, in which Arturo Araujo<\/a> came to power on March 1, 1931 in what was considered the country’s first freely contested election. His government lasted only nine months before it was overthrown by junior military officers who accused his Labor Party of lacking political and governmental experience and of using its government offices inefficiently. President Araujo faced general popular discontent, as the people had expected economic reforms and the redistribution of land. There were demonstrations in front of the National Palace from the first week of his administration. His vice president and minister of war was Gen. Maximiliano Hern\u00e1ndez Mart\u00ednez<\/a>.<\/p>\n In December 1931, a coup d’\u00e9tat organized by junior officers and led by Gen. Mart\u00ednez started in the First Regiment of Infantry across from the National Palace in downtown San Salvador. Only the First Regiment of Cavalry and the National Police defended the presidency (the National Police had been on its payroll), but later that night, after hours of fighting, the badly outnumbered defenders surrendered to rebel forces.<\/p>\n The Directorate, composed of officers, hid behind a shadowy figure, a rich anti-Communist banker called Rodolfo Duke, and later installed the ardent fascist Gen. Mart\u00ednez as president. The revolt was probably due to the army’s discontent at not having been paid by President Araujo for some months. Araujo left the National Palace and unsuccessfully tried to organize forces to defeat the revolt.<\/p>\n The U.S. Minister in El Salvador met with the Directorate and later recognized the government of Mart\u00ednez, which agreed to hold presidential elections. He resigned six months prior to running for re-election, winning back the presidency as the only candidate on the ballot. He ruled from 1935 to 1939, then from 1939 to 1943. He began a fourth term in 1944, but resigned in May after a general strike. Mart\u00ednez had said he was going to respect the Constitution, which stipulated he could not be re-elected, but he refused to keep his promise.<\/p>\n From December 1931, the year of the coup that brought Mart\u00ednez to power, there was brutal suppression of rural resistance. The most notable event was the February 1932 Salvadoran peasant uprising<\/a>, originally led by Farabundo Mart\u00ed<\/a> and Abel Cuenca, and university students Alfonso Luna and Mario Zapata, but these leaders were captured before the planned insurrection. Only Cuenca survived; the other insurgents were killed by the government. After the capture of the movement leaders, the insurrection erupted in a disorganized and mob-controlled fashion, resulting in government repression that was later referred to as La Matanza (The Massacre),<\/a> because tens of thousands of peasants died in the ensuing chaos on the orders of President Martinez.<\/p>\n In the unstable political climate of the previous few years, the social activist and revolutionary leader Farabundo Mart\u00ed helped found the Communist Party of Central America, and led a Communist alternative to the Red Cross called International Red Aid, serving as one of its representatives. Their goal was to help poor and underprivileged Salvadorans through the use of Marxist-Leninist ideology (strongly rejecting Stalinism). In December 1930, at the height of the country’s economic and social depression, Mart\u00ed was once again exiled due to his popularity among the nation’s poor and rumors of his upcoming nomination for President the following year. Once Arturo Araujo was elected president in 1931, Mart\u00ed returned to El Salvador, and along with Alfonso Luna and Mario Zapata began the movement that was later truncated by the military.<\/p>\n They helped start a guerrilla revolt of indigenous farmers. The government responded by killing over 30,000 people at what was to have been a “peaceful meeting” in 1932; this became known as La Matanza (The Slaughter). The peasant uprising against Mart\u00ednez was crushed by the Salvadoran military ten days after it had begun. The Communist-led rebellion, fomented by collapsing coffee prices, enjoyed some initial success, but was soon drowned in a bloodbath. President Mart\u00ednez, who had himself toppled an elected government only weeks earlier, ordered the defeated Mart\u00ed shot after a perfunctory hearing.<\/p>\n Historically, the high Salvadoran population density has contributed to tensions with neighboring Honduras, as land-poor Salvadorans emigrated to less densely populated Honduras and established themselves as squatters on unused or underused land. This phenomenon was a major cause of the 1969 Football War<\/a> between the two countries. As many as 130,000 Salvadorans were forcibly expelled or fled from Honduras.<\/p>\n The Christian Democratic Party (PDC)<\/a> and the National Conciliation Party (PCN)<\/a> were active in Salvadoran politics from 1960 until 2011, when they were disbanded by the Supreme Court because they had failed to win enough votes in the 2004 presidential election; Both parties have since reconstituted. They share common ideals, but one represents the middle class and the latter the interests of the Salvadoran military.<\/p>\n PDC leader Jos\u00e9 Napole\u00f3n Duarte<\/a> was the mayor of San Salvador from 1964 to 1970, winning three elections during the regime of PCN President Julio Adalberto Rivera Carballo<\/a>, who allowed free elections for mayors and the National Assembly. Duarte later ran for president with a political grouping called the National Opposition Union (UNO)<\/a> but was defeated in the 1972 presidential elections. He lost to the ex-Minister of Interior, Col. Arturo Armando Molina<\/a>, in an election that was widely viewed as fraudulent; Molina was declared the winner even though Duarte was said to have received a majority of the votes. Duarte, at some army officers’ request, supported a revolt to protest the election fraud, but was captured, tortured and later exiled. Duarte returned to the country in 1979 to enter politics after working on projects in Venezuela as an engineer.<\/p>\n In October 1979, a coup d’\u00e9tat brought the Revolutionary Government Junta of El Salvador<\/a> to power. It nationalized many private companies and took over much privately owned land. The purpose of this new junta was to stop the revolutionary movement already underway in response to Duarte’s stolen election. Nevertheless, the oligarchy opposed agrarian reform, and a junta formed with young liberal elements from the army such as Gen. Majano and Gen. Gutierrez, as well as with progressives such as Guillermo Ungo<\/a> and Alvarez.<\/p>\n Pressure from the oligarchy soon dissolved the junta because of its inability to control the army in its repression of the people fighting for unionization rights, agrarian reform, better wages, accessible health care and freedom of expression. In the meantime, the guerrilla movement was spreading to all sectors of Salvadoran society. Middle and high school students were organized in MERS (Movimiento Estudiantil Revolucionario de Secundaria, Revolutionary Movement of Secondary Students); college students were involved with AGEUS (Asociacion de Estudiantes Universitarios Salvadorenos; Association of Salvadoran College Students); and workers were organized in BPR (Bloque Popular Revolucionario, Popular Revolutionary Block). In October 1980, several other major guerrilla groups of the Salvadoran left had formed the Farabundo Mart\u00ed National Liberation Front, or FMLN<\/a>. By the end of the 1970s, death squads were killing about 10 people each day, and the FMLN had 6,000 \u2013 8,000 active guerrillas and hundreds of thousands of part-time militia, supporters, and sympathizers.<\/p>\n The U.S. supported and financed the creation of a second junta to change the political environment and stop the spread of a leftist insurrection. Napole\u00f3n Duarte was recalled from his exile in Venezuela to head this new junta. However, a revolution was already underway and his new role as head of the junta was seen by the general population as opportunistic. He was unable to influence the outcome of the insurrection.<\/p>\n \u00d3scar Romero<\/a>, Archbishop of San Salvador, denounced injustices and massacres committed against civilians by government forces. He was considered “the voice of the voiceless”, but he was assassinated by a death squad while saying Mass on 24 March 1980. Some consider this to be the beginning of the full Salvadoran Civil War, which lasted from 1980 to 1992. An unknown number of people “disappeared” during the conflict, and the UN reports that more than 75,000 were killed. The Salvadoran Army’s US-trained Atlacatl Battalion<\/a> was responsible for the El Mozote massacre<\/a> where more than 800 civilians were murdered, over half of them children, the El Calabozo massacre<\/a>, and the murder of UCA scholars<\/a>.<\/p>\n On January 16, 1992, the government of El Salvador, represented by president Alfredo Cristiani<\/a>, and the FMLN, represented by the commanders of the five guerrilla groups \u2013 Shafik Handal,<\/a> Joaqu\u00edn Villalobos<\/a>, Salvador S\u00e1nchez Cer\u00e9<\/a>n, Francisco Jovel and Eduardo Sancho, all signed peace agreements brokered by the United Nations ending the 12-year civil war. This event, held at Chapultepec Castle<\/a> in Mexico, was attended by U.N. dignitaries and other representatives of the international community. After signing the armistice, the president stood up and shook hands with all the now ex-guerrilla commanders, an action which was widely admired.<\/p>\n The so-called Chapultepec Peace Accords<\/a> mandated reductions in the size of the army, and the dissolution of the National Police, the Treasury Police, the National Guard and the Civilian Defense, a paramilitary group. A new Civil Police was to be organized. Judicial immunity for crimes committed by the armed forces ended; the government agreed to submit to the recommendations of a Commission on the Truth for El Salvador<\/a> (Comisi\u00f3n de la Verdad Para El Salvador), which would “investigate serious acts of violence occurring since 1980, and the nature and effects of the violence, and…recommend methods of promoting national reconciliation.” In 1993 the Commission delivered its findings reporting human rights violations on both sides of the conflict. Five days later the El Salvadoran legislature passed an amnesty law for all acts of violence during the period.<\/p>\n From 1989 until 2004, Salvadorans favored the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA)<\/a> party, voting in ARENA presidents in every election (Alfredo Cristiani, Armando Calder\u00f3n Sol<\/a>, Francisco Flores P\u00e9rez<\/a>, Antonio Saca) until 2009, when Mauricio Funes was elected president from the Farabundo Mart\u00ed National Liberation Front (FMLN) party.<\/p>\n Economic reforms since the early 1990s brought major benefits in terms of improved social conditions, diversification of the export sector, and access to international financial markets at investment grade level. Crime remains a major problem for the investment climate.<\/p>\n The unsuccessful attempts of the left-wing party to win presidential elections led to its selection of a journalist rather than a former guerrilla leader as a candidate. On March 15, 2009, Mauricio Funes<\/a>, a television figure, became the first president from the FMLN party. He was inaugurated on June 1, 2009. One focus of the Funes government has been revealing the alleged corruption from the past government.<\/p>\n ARENA formally expelled Saca from the party in December 2009. With 12 loyalists in the National Assembly, Saca established his own party, GANA (Gran Alianza por la Unidad Nacional or Grand Alliance for National Unity)<\/a>, and entered into a tactical legislative alliance with the FMLN. After three years in office, with Saca’s GANA party providing the FMLN with a legislative majority, Funes had not taken action to either investigate or to bring corrupt former officials to justice.<\/p>\n Early in the new millennium, El Salvador’s government created the Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales \u2013 the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (MARN) in response to climate change.<\/p>\n El Salvador lies in the isthmus of Central America. It stretches 270 km (168 mi) from west-northwest to east-southeast and 142 km (88 mi) north to south, with a total area of 21,041 km2 (8,124 sq mi). As the smallest country in continental America, El Salvador is affectionately called Pulgarcito de America (the “Tom Thumb<\/a> of the Americas”). The highest point in El Salvador is Cerro El Pital<\/a>, at 2,730 metres (8,957 ft), on the border with Honduras.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n El Salvador has a long history of destructive earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The capital San Salvador was destroyed in 1756 and 1854, and it suffered heavy damage in the 1919, 1982, and 1986 tremors. El Salvador has over twenty volcanoes, two of them, San Miguel and Izalco, active in recent years. From the early 19th century to the mid-1950s, Izalco erupted with a regularity that earned it the name “Lighthouse of the Pacific.” Its brilliant flares were clearly visible for great distances at sea, and at night its glowing lava turned it into a brilliant luminous cone.<\/p>\n El Salvador has over 300 rivers, the most important of which is the Rio Lempa. Originating in Guatemala, the Rio Lempa cuts across the northern range of mountains, flows along much of the central plateau, and cuts through the southern volcanic range to empty into the Pacific. It is El Salvador’s only navigable river. It and its tributaries drain about half of the country’s area. Other rivers are generally short and drain the Pacific lowlands or flow from the central plateau through gaps in the southern mountain range to the Pacific. These include the Goascor\u00e1n<\/a>, Jiboa<\/a>, Torola<\/a>, Paz<\/a> and the R\u00edo Grande de San Miguel<\/a>.<\/p>\n There are several lakes enclosed by volcanic craters in El Salvador, the most important of which are Lake Ilopango<\/a> (70 km\u00b2) and Lake Coatepeque<\/a> (26 km\u00b2). Lake G\u00fcija<\/a> is El Salvador’s largest natural lake (44 km\u00b2). Several artificial lakes were created by the damming of the Lempa, the largest of which is Embalse Cerr\u00f3n Grande<\/a> (135 km\u00b2). There are a total 320 km2 (123.6 sq mi) of water within El Salvador’s borders.<\/p>\n El Salvador shares borders with Guatemala and Honduras, the total national boundary length is 546 km (339 mi): 126 miles (203 km) with Guatemala and 343 km (213 mi) with Honduras. It is the only Central American country that has no Caribbean coastline. The coastline on the Pacific is 307 km (191 mi) long.<\/p>\n Two parallel mountain ranges cross El Salvador to the west with a central plateau between them and a narrow coastal plain hugging the Pacific. These physical features divide the country into two physiographic regions. The mountain ranges and central plateau, covering 85% of the land, comprise the interior highlands. The remaining coastal plains are referred to as the Pacific lowlands.<\/p>\n El Salvador’s economy has been hampered at times by natural disasters such as earthquakes and hurricanes, by government policies that mandate large economic subsidies, and by official corruption. Subsidies became such a problem that in April 2012, the International Monetary Fund suspended a $750 million loan to the central government. President Funes’<\/a> chief of cabinet, Alex Segovia, acknowledged that the economy was at the “point of collapse.”<\/p>\n In December 1999 the Salvadoran government undertook a monetary integration plan beginning January 1, 2001 by which the U.S. dollar became legal tender alongside the Salvadoran col\u00f3n<\/a>, and all formal accounting was done in U.S. dollars.<\/p>\n It has long been a challenge in El Salvador to develop new growth sectors for a more diversified economy. In the past, the country produced gold and silver, but recent attempts to reopen the mining sector, which were expected to add hundreds of millions of dollars to the local economy, collapsed after President Saca shut down the operations of Pacific Rim Mining Corporation<\/a>. Nevertheless, according to the Central American Institute for Fiscal Studies (Instituto Centroamericano for Estudios Fiscales, by its acronym in Spanish), the contribution of metallic mining was a minuscule 0.3% of the country’s GDP between 2010 and 2015. Saca’s decision although not lacking political motives, had strong support from local residents and grassroots movements in the country. According to NACLA, incoming President Funes later rejected a company’s application for a further permit based on the risk of cyanide contamination on one of the country’s main rivers.<\/p>\n As with other former colonies, El Salvador was considered a mono-export economy (an economy that depended heavily on one type of export) for many years. During colonial times, El Salvador was a thriving exporter of indigo, but after the invention of synthetic dyes in the 19th century, the newly created modern state turned to coffee as the main export.<\/p>\n The government has sought to improve the collection of its current revenues, with a focus on indirect taxes. A 10% value-added tax (IVA in Spanish), implemented in September 1992, was raised to 13% in July 1995.<\/p>\n Inflation has been steady and among the lowest in the region. Since 1997 inflation has averaged 3%, with recent years increasing to nearly 5%. As a result of the free trade agreements, from 2000 to 2006, total exports have grown 19% from $2.94 billion to $3.51 billion, and total imports have risen 54% from $4.95 billion to $7.63 billion. This has resulted in a 102% increase in the trade deficit, from $2.01 billion to $4.12 billion.<\/p>\n El Salvador leads the region in remittances per capita, with inflows equivalent to nearly all export income; about a third of all households receive these financial inflows. Remittances from Salvadorans living and working in the United States, sent to family members in El Salvador, are a major source of foreign income and offset the substantial trade deficit of $4.12 billion. Remittances have increased steadily in the last decade, and reached an all-time high of $3.32 billion in 2006 (an increase of 17% over the previous year) approximately 16.2% of gross domestic product(GDP).<\/p>\n Remittances have had positive and negative effects on El Salvador. In 2005, the number of people living in extreme poverty in El Salvador was 20%, according to a United Nations Development Program report. Without remittances, the number of Salvadorans living in extreme poverty would rise to 37%. While Salvadoran education levels have gone up, wage expectations have risen faster than either skills or productivity. For example, some Salvadorans are no longer willing to take jobs that pay them less than what they receive monthly from family members abroad. This has led to an influx of Hondurans and Nicaraguans who are willing to work for the prevailing wage. Also, the local propensity for consumption over investment has increased.<\/p>\n Money from remittances has also increased prices for certain commodities such as real estate. With much higher wages, many Salvadorans abroad can afford higher prices for houses in El Salvador than local Salvadorans, and thus push up the prices that all Salvadorans must pay.<\/p>\n It was estimated that 1,394,000 international tourists would visit El Salvador in 2014. Tourism contributed US$855.5 million to El Salvador’s GDP in 2013. This represented 3.5% of total GDP.<\/p>\n Tourism directly supported 80,500 jobs in 2013. This represented 3.1% of total employment in El Salvador. In 2013, tourism indirectly supported 210,000 jobs, representing 8.1% of total employment in El Salvador.<\/p>\n The airport serving international flights in El Salvador is Monse\u00f1or \u00d3scar Arnulfo Romero International Airport. This airport is located about 40 km (25 mi) southeast of San Salvador.<\/p>\n Most North American and European tourists seek out El Salvador’s beaches and nightlife. Besides these two attractions, El Salvador’s tourism landscape is slightly different from those of other Central American countries. Because of its geographic size and urbanization there are not many nature-themed tourist destinations such as ecotours or archaeological sites open to the public. Surfing is a natural tourism sector that has gained popularity in recent years as Salvadoran beaches have become increasingly popular.<\/p>\n Surfers visit many beaches on the coast of La Libertad and the east end of El Salvador, finding surfing spots that are not yet overcrowded. The use of the United States dollar as Salvadoran currency and direct flights of 4 to 6 hours from most cities in the United States are factors that attract American tourists. Urbanization and Americanization of Salvadoran culture has also led to the abundance of American-style malls, stores, and restaurants in the three main urban areas, especially greater San Salvador.<\/p>\n According to the El Salvadoran newspaper El Diario De Hoy<\/a>, the top 10 attractions are: the coastal beaches, La Libertad, Ruta Las Flores, Suchitoto<\/a>, Playa Las Flores in San Miguel<\/a>, La Palma, Santa Ana<\/a> (location of the country’s highest volcano), Nahuizalco<\/a>, Apaneca<\/a>, Juayua<\/a>, and San Ignacio<\/a>.<\/p>\n El Salvador has transport links by road, rail, sea and air.<\/p>\n El Salvador has over 10,000 km of roads, and one passenger rail service. There are several seaports on the Pacific Ocean, and two international airports.<\/p>\n A weekday passenger service links San Salvador<\/a> and Apopa<\/a>, a journey of 40 minutes. Of a total of 602 km narrow gauge (3 ft (914 mm)) rail, much is abandoned. In November 2013 the government rail agency FENADESAL announced plans for development of four electrified railways serving San Salvador, Sitio del Ni\u00f1o (La Libertad)<\/a>, El Salvador International Airport<\/a>, La Uni\u00f3n<\/a>, and the Honduran frontier.<\/p>\n A new railway to be known as FERISTSA was proposed in 2005 to connect Mexico with Panama, passing through El Salvador.<\/p>\n total: 10,029 km The RN-21 (Bulevar Monse\u00f1or Romero)<\/a> (East\u2013West) is the very first freeway to be built in El Salvador and in Central America. The freeway passes the northern area of the city of Santa Tecla<\/a>, La Libertad. It has a small portion serving Antiguo Cuscatlan<\/a>, La Libertad, and merges with the RN-5 (Autopista Comalapa)<\/a> (East\u2013West, Boulevard de Los Proceres\/Autopista del Aeropuerto) in San Salvador.<\/p>\n The total length of the RN-21 is 9.95 kilometres (6.18 mi) and is currently working as a traffic reliever in the metropolitan area. The RN-21 was named in honor of Monse\u00f1or Romero. The first phase of the highway was completed in 2009, and the second phase in November 2012.<\/p>\n There are five major ports on the Pacific:<\/p>\n Acajutla<\/a> There are 4 airports with paved runways and an additional 71 with unpaved runways.<\/p>\n The major airports are:<\/p>\n El Salvador International Airport The flag of El Salvador features a horizontal triband of cobalt blue-white-cobalt blue, with the coat of arms centered and entirely contained within the central white stripe. This design of a triband of blue-white-blue is commonly used among Central American countries.<\/p>\n The colors signify:<\/p>\n Cobalt blue: represents the great sky and two massive oceans of Central America. The five rowed volcanoes in the coat of arms were inspired by the Cordillera de Apaneca volcanic range when El Salvador’s Sonsonate City was the second capital of the Federal Republic of Central America in 1834.![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/City-Map-of-El-Salvador-300x300.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Etymology:<\/h2>\n
History:<\/h2>\n
Pre-Columbian:<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Tazumal-Ruins-300x225.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>European Contact (1522):<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Gulf-of-Fonseca-from-Satellite-300x225.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Conquest of Cuzcatl\u00e1n (1524\u20131525):<\/h4>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Pedro-de-Alvarado-168x300.jpeg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Joya-de-Ceren-300x200.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Main-Pyramid-San-Andr\u00e9s-300x200.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Lempira-241x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Spanish rule (1525\u20131821):<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/First-Independence-Movement-Celebration-in-San-Salvador.-At-the-Center-Jos\u00e9-Mat\u00edas-Delgado.-300x206.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Independence (1821):<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Original-Act-of-Independence-240x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Agustin-de-Iturbide-204x300.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>20th Century:<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Tom\u00e1s-Regalado.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Arturo-Araujo-Fajardo-216x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/General-Maximiliano-Hern\u00e1ndez-Mart\u00ednez-196x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Farabundo-Mart\u00ed-203x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Jose-Napoleon-Duarte-200x300.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Salvadoran Civil War (1979\u20131992):<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Scenes-From-the-Civil-War-235x300.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/\u00d3scar-Arnulfo-Romero-y-Gald\u00e1mez-264x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Alfredo-Cristiani-223x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Post-War (1992\u2013Present):<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Chapultepec-Castle-300x199.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Mauricio-Funes-223x300.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Geography:<\/h2>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/City-and-Transport-Map-of-El-Salvador-300x223.png\" "\\"\\""){kind=spacer}
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Topographic-Map-of-El-Salvador-300x275.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Economy:<\/h2>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Salvadoran-Colon-300x128.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/El-Salvador-Exports-300x235.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Tourism:<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Surf-Tourism-300x156.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Transportation:<\/h2>\n
Railways:<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/FENADESAL-Passenger-Train-2005-300x225.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Highways:<\/h3>\n
\npaved: 1,986 km (including 327 km of Highways)<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Highway-From-Apopa-to-San-Salvador-300x225.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Bus-Between-Santa-Ana-and-San-Salvador-300x225.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>Ports:<\/h3>\n
\nPuerto Cutuco
\nLa Libertad<\/a>
\nLa Uni\u00f3n<\/a>
\nPuerto El Triunfo<\/a><\/p>\nAirports:<\/h3>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/El-Salvador-International-Airport-300x214.jpg\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>
\nIlopango International Airport<\/a><\/p>\nFlag of El Salvador:<\/h2>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/www.smoketreemanor.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/04\/Flag-of-El-Salvador-300x169.png\" "\\"\\"")
<\/a>
\nWhite: represents peace, concordia and solidarity with the world
\nGolden Amber: represents the entire bold phraseology in the flag, the coat of arms of El Salvador; the bold equilateral triangle, 5 indigenous spears, beaming solar rays, scroll, the bold motto (God Union Liberty) and the bold etymology (Republic of El Salvador in Central America)<\/p>\n
\nThe flag has the words (REP\u00daBLICA DE EL SALVADOR EN LA AM\u00c9RICA CENTRAL) in a bold and Heavy, Sans Serif Boris Black Bloxx typeface, in a golden amber color
\nThe national motto (DIOS UNI\u00d3N LIBERTAD) in bold version of Trajan (typeface) Roman type Roman square capitals. The letter are colored amber gold on the civil flag, and black in the coat of arms
\nThe date (15 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1821) in bold version of Trajan (typeface) Roman type Roman square capitals<\/p>\n